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 Death Metal Sunday

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LaibachKunst
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PostSubject: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 11:57 am

From now on(or at least until I'm banned, again) every sunday is death metal sunday!



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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 11:59 am

This one's instrumental, some of you might actually like it.
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 12:28 pm

This has sort of a 'soft' start.

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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 1:18 pm

1846. The expansionist United States looks ever westward to fulfill the popular concept of Manifest Destiny; the ‘inevitable’ fate of the country to encompass the entire continent, from the harbors of the Atlantic to the coasts of the Pacific. Only a year prior the US annexed Texas to this end, following the American settlers in the Mexican province revolting and declaring their independence. Quite naturally, Mexico’s administration at the time did not take kindly to this, and thusly refused to even meet with diplomat John Slidell to discuss a future purchase of their northern territories – the final puzzle pieces in the goal of securing the continent, as Polk had already negotiated with Britain to release a large portion of the Oregon territory earlier in the year. It is perhaps, then, with misplaced conviction that General Taylor’s command marched to the disputed Texan border. The war to come would fix geopolitical relations between the feuding nations for years to come, and show just how much superior tactics carry the day.

It would also be the first American war in which the sides were, in theory, evenly matched. No more was the United States defending home and country against a superior foe; instead, they would play the role of invaders. Yet for all the renowned military minds among their number, the U.S. Army in 1846 was little more than a reserve of trained men drawn upon to garrison America’s forts on the frontier as settlers moved further west. Initially created by Congressional order in 1789, the force was severely undermanned, with a little over five thousand men actually in service out of the 8,613 mandated. The country had acquired a deep-set disdain for career soldiers following the Revolutionary War – a conflict sparked by British troops throwing their weight around – so it should come as no surprise enlistment was acutely stigmatized. However, this gave the Army an obvious edge: infantry were there because they wanted to be, and, with the exception of volunteer units, tended to be well-trained as a result of their limited numbers, courtesy of America’s bloated treasury.

By comparison the Mexican Army, or Ejército Mexicano, possessed no such advantage, where a majority of soldiers were conscripted via the hated leva, or levy. Nonetheless, they did have a strong military tradition born from their own breakaway from Spain along with a much larger standing army of approximately thirty thousand, of which around eighteen thousand were intended to be active at any given moment. But despite this, it’s undeniable that the Mexican political climate was a disaster. In fact, one of the main reasons for the Texas quarrel was former president Santa Anna fleeing the country after being defeated by the rebels there, rendering his treaty with them null and void. As one could imagine, this disorder inevitably filtered down to military affairs, exacerbating the problems already presented by the societal gap between wealthy officer and drafted peasant. Federal funding was almost nonexistent, meaning soldiers had to purchase supplies using often-unredeemable bonds issued in lieu of actual currency. Furthermore, regiments were spread over Mexico’s territory indiscriminately; meaning the answer to any external threat was to draw upon the most readily available units and clump men with no experience fighting together into a response force.

U.S. General Zachary Taylor did not have to fear similar logistical conundrums as he mobilized a brigade of three thousand men on April 24th, 1846 across hostile Texan terrain with the end goal of erecting a fort on the contested strip of land between the Rio Grande and Nueces rivers. The well-equipped Army regulars maneuvered to the future site of Fort Texas within a matter of weeks, and wasted no time constructing the fortification in clear view of the nearby city of Matamoros. A risky endeavor, as the position was thus decidedly exposed to more Mexican artillery within the town than is generally considered healthy, but the guns remained silent even after the fort’s completion. Curious as to their placidity, Taylor sent out a patrol of U.S. Dragoons under Captain Seth Thornton on the 24th of April to investigate possible Mexican troop movement across the Rio Grande. His suspicions of an attempt at a flanking maneuver were confirmed when a single member of the patrol returned to report the capture of Thornton’s command by a sizable contingent of dismounted cavalry under Colonel Terrejon, who camped but a few kilometers away. General Mariano Arista, who had arrived on scene commanding elements of the Mexican Army of the North but a few days prior sent a letter to Taylor forewarning him that ‘hostilities have commenced’ and hastily finished encircling Fort Brown, but not before a majority of the American army withdrew on May 1st; leaving behind a token garrison.

Taylor retreated to Point Isabel, a supply depot established during their trek at Corpus Christi. There he seized all assets available to him and marched back to the Rio Grande with some 2400 men in an attempt to relieve Fort Brown from the siege it was miraculously holding out against. But Arista anticipated this strategy, and left less than a sixth of his troops to continue the assault while confronting Taylor with the remaining three thousand and four hundred soldiers at his command. The two armies clashed in the early afternoon of May 8th, where the U.S.’s ‘flying artillery’ –smaller bronze cannons attached to horses for rapid redeployment– played a pivotal role. Their ability to relocate in a matter of minutes prevented any effective retaliation from Arista’s own cannons as they wreaked havoc with the Mexican lines, enabling Taylor’s troops to advance with minimal casualties. After his cavalry failed to destroy the disruption, Arista ordered a retreat to a defensible riverbed, Resaca de la Palma, but the next day of the battle proved this an even more untenable position as U.S. troops surged forward to engage in hand-to-hand combat, routing the Mexican infantry – many of whom died attempting to swim back across the Rio Grande to Matmoros. Ultimately a success for America, with a little over fifty men lost to Mexico’s four hundred and fifty, and the aggression allowed US President Polk to convince Congress to ratify a declaration of war.
Taylor swiftly occupied Matmoros and awaited further reinforcements to arrive for a campaign into the heart of Mexico itself. By the end of summer his army had swelled to around twenty thousand men, a majority volunteers from the drive authorized by Congress. A note on volunteers – these were not soldiers in the contemporary sense of the word; merely glory-hungry militiamen going by another name. As such, they paled in comparison to the US Army ‘regulars’, those who had joined the military in an official capacity and thus possessed better training and morale. Taylor took a force of 6,640 men and marched on the nearby Mexican town of Monterry, positioning his troops north of the town on September 19th. After deploying troops along its road to prevent any reinforcements from Saltillo, another town in the area, Taylor finalized his plans for an assault, which were put into action on the 21st.

It was a two-pronged attack – Brevet Colonel Garland, acting in the indisposed General Twiggs’s stead, commanded a force of regulars in a frontal assault against Mexican General Ampudia’s entrenched garrison, while General Worth was to lead his division in overpowering Mexican cannons occupying prodigious positions west of the city. Worth was successful in his objective, securing the heights above Monterry whilst neutralizing the Mexican artillery, but Garland’s relative inexperience cost the attackers dearly; the assault quickly broke down into mass confusion until reserves under General Butler took the field and pushed the Mexican defenders back. Gradually the Americans made inroads into the town until the night of the 23rd, wherein all the forces within Monterry were ordered to fall back to clear the way for a systematic bombardment of Mexican positions the following day. General Ampudia requested an armistice, which Taylor granted, and the remainders of the Mexican garrison soon vacated the city on the 25th. Casualties of the battle were even at around four hundred and fifty troops lost per side. As before, Taylor proceeded to occupy the city, but when inquired about further strategic plans was adamant on staying put, believing (rightfully so) that Polk wanted him to be defeated so as to eliminate his growing political popularity. Soon most of the forces at his command were withdrawn to participate in Army Commander-in-Chief Winfield Scott’s naval invasion.

It was a move that would leave Taylor and the remaining five thousand inexperienced troops under him vulnerable, for a copy of the ordered troop allocations was intercepted. Santa Anna, whom had returned to Mexico under the pretense of negotiating a peace treaty and swiftly assumed Presidency once more, assembled an army of twenty thousand and marched north to seize the opportunity in January of 1847. If Santa Anna could eliminate the occupational force in Monterry, he could then relocate further south to crush Scott’s invasion force and give the Mexicans the upper-hand. General Taylor, realizing he was outnumbered three-to-one, moved his troops to a mountain pass near Hacienda Buena Vista and took up a defensive position in a maneuver vaguely reminiscent to that of the Greeks in the Battle of Thermopylae.

On February 22nd, the bulk of Santa Anna’s army arrived and fighting commenced none too soon after, however they were mere probes, little more than skirmishing. It was not until the morning of the 23rd that Santa Anna would commit to a full-scale assault with the whole of his massive force, and despite the fierce fighting put up by Taylor’s division, his lines would be all but shattered by mid-day, thanks in no small part to the large number of volunteers who crumbled under the pressure. An incoming Mexican cavalry charge signified the proverbial icing on the cake, however, they were soon routed by blisteringly accurate fire from the 1st Mississippi Rifles under Colonel Jefferson Davis, who would go on to become the President of the Confederacy during the American Civil War decades later. This gave the US lines the handful of moments they needed to regroup while the Mexican infantry reformed to attack once more.
It was either an act of tactical brilliance or stupidity that prompted Taylor to order a charge none too soon after, as doubtlessly Santa Anna’s lines were not nearly as tattered, but by nightfall the Mexican attack had grinded to a standstill. In that day alone the U.S. took six hundred and fifty casualties to Mexico’s three thousand and four hundred losses, yet Santa Anna, perhaps seeking to cut his losses, withdrew from the field of battle and marched south to counter Scott’s advance.

General Winfield Scott and his invasion force of ten thousand men made landfall on Veracruz’s Collado beach on the March 9th under the watchful guns of Commodore Connor’s Home Squadron. Polk had reached the conclusion that the only road to victory was that which led to Mexico City. Not one to take unnecessary risks, Scott bottled up the garrison of both Veracruz and an outlying fortress with his numerical superiority, and settled in for a siege. Over the course of the next two weeks he had defensive earthworks dug and moved his cannons ashore, along with several more pieces of artillery borrowed from the naval ships holding station in the natural harbor. Finally, with most of his precautionary preparations complete, on March 21st Scott asked the commander of the three thousand man garrison at Veracruz, General Morales, to allow noncombatants to leave the battlefield. In what was likely a mixture of confusion, indignation, and misplaced confidence, Morales refused. The following day, all the batteries of cannon so lovingly deployed on the beach began a three-day bombardment of the city and its erstwhile port fortress, obliterating great sections of the town walls, collapsing several buildings, and destroying any of the defenders’ capacity for retaliatory artillery fire. On the 28h, Morales passed command to a junior officer, whom summarily surrenders both the town and Fort San Juan de Ulua, the latter of which had been unscathed by shelling. Neither side sustained any casualties outside of a handful wounded. Veracruz was the first step in Scott’s campaign into Mexico itself, and would serve as a crucial supply port for American advances into the nation’s heartland.

The next month, Scott moves his ten thousand man army inward after solidifying the US grip on Veracruz. Just a few kilometers west of the coast, however, he discovers Santa Anna beat him to the punch, and has deployed twelve thousand men along the mountain pass of Cerro Gordo in a bid to halt the American advance. The strategically located high ground all but encompassed the main road to Mexico City, and scouts ahead of the main force report to Scott on the 11th of April that a frontal assault on the entrenched Mexican soldiers was the only way to press through to their objective. However, on the 17th a Captain Robert E. Lee – who would later lead the Army of Northern Virginia in the American Civil War – discovered that Santa Anna had left his left flank lightly defended, owning to his belief that
it was inaccessible by virtue of the terrain.

Scott considered the newfound intelligence, and on the 18th mobilized his task force. General Gideon Pillow took close to three thousand men and attacked the Mexican front as per the original plan while seven thousand troops under General David Twiggs flanked the enemy via the ‘impassable’ terrain. Although Santa Anna had learned of what was to come from an opportunistic deserter, the forces he moved to intercept Twiggs’ men proved to be insufficient, and U.S. forces began picking apart the Mexican line from behind. Fearing encirclement and annihilation, much of Santa Anna’s command fled the pass. Those that remained were swiftly overpowered, and three thousand survivors captured as well as the force’s supply and artillery pieces. Only four hundred casualties were sustained by Scott’s army to the one thousand Mexican soldados killed in action. The U.S. troops pause momentarily in the town of Puebla to re-organize as many of the 1-year enlistment terms for the volunteer units have now expired, but Scott soon continues the march after being reinforced with fresh troops over the course of three months in August.

He soon discovers that once more Santa Anna has dug in with a force of thirty-six thousand, this time in the town of San Engel and a fortified plantation in San Antonio – two positions that soundly watch over the two viable routes into Mexico City. General Valencia, in command of the defenders at San Engel, relocates his forces to the town of Contreras, thus placing the bulk of the lava field El Pedrégal between him and any reinforcements from Santa Anna. It is a blatant tactical mistake, one brought on by Valencia resenting his role of second fiddle, and one he will deeply regret. On the 18th of August elements of Scott’s army under Twiggs and Pillow rush Contreras in an ill-advised attempt to decimate the isolated force and thus flank the primary Mexican garrison at San Antonio, but are beaten back. Instead of ordering Valencia to fall back to the more defendable positions after discerning the intent of the attack, however, Santa Anna sends him five thousand more men, perhaps assuming that his subordinate had things under control.

Nothing could be further from the truth. Valencia, confident from his victory, remains in Contreras whilst American scouts discover a route through the lava field that will place the U.S. forces further north, behind the Mexican position and between any further reinforcement from San Antonio. On August 20th General Pillow once more leads a frontal attack on the Mexican garrison, while Twiggs circles behind with seven thousand troops, to cut off Valencia’s lifeline to Santa Anna and attacking from north of Contreras. The five thousand Mexican defenders quickly rout under the confusion, with a majority outright leaving the field with no intention of returned to combat. By 6 AM Contreras was secured, subsequently Pillows and Twiggs raced their commands forward to cut off Santa Anna’s forces at San Antonio, where Scott had committed to an assault upon hearing of their victory. However, Anna himself hears word of the outcome and orders a retreat across Rio Churubusco, where his rearguard commanded by General Pedro Anaya holds off the long enough for the main body of the Mexican force to escape certain destruction.

It was a small victory in an otherwise wholly disastrous day for the Ejército Mexicano. Ten thousand Mexican troops had been eliminated in the battles of Contreras and Churubusco compared to the thousand casualties suffered by the U.S. force. While Santa Anna paused to regroup, nothing stood between Scott’s men and the prize of Mexico City, and he was anxious to take it before taking more losses to the various subtropical diseases – he was now down to a little over half his original command. On September 8th, after examining the defensive setup from the outskirts of the city, Scott ordered Worth to take what was thought to be the two most lightly defended of three Mexican strongpoints, a complex of stone buildings called El Molino del Rey, and the earthen fort of Casa Mata, with three thousand and four hundred men.

Arranging his command into two columns set to pounce on both targets, General Worth marches forward…into the jaws of a trap. Mexican commanders Leon and Rangel had stationed their divisions in both structures and waited until the U.S. troops came within but a few hundred yards of their positions before creating a withering hail of musket fire and canister shot from hidden cannons, breaking Worth’s advance utterly. Additional artillery fire from the castle Chapultec further shattered the U.S. formation in preparation for a cavalry charge by General Alvarez. A swift intervention by a squadron of U.S. Dragoons under Lieutenant Colonel Sumner, however, staved off the four thousand Mexican cavalrymen long enough for forward elements of Worth’s command to charge forward and seize the complex of El Molino. Soon thereafter the troops stationed in Casa Mata fall back into the city after recognizing their untenable position, leaving both it and El Molino in American hands by the closure of the day. It was something of a Pyrrhic victory, however, in that Worth lost approximately eight hundred men – heavy losses so far from any source of reinforcement – to two thousand Mexicans killed in action. Nonetheless, the capture of two out of the three defensive structures meant Scott could focus on Chapultec.

It was a formidable citadel that also served as a military academy, and was even now stationed by students of the institution. General Nicolas Bravo realizes his thousand men are too few to hold the fort against the encroaching U.S. forces, but chooses to hold out nonetheless; the fall of Chapultec would all but signify the fall of Mexico City. Scott knows this as well, and determined to storm the castle before more Mexican troops can solidify Bravo’s position. To this end he sends two thousand and five hundred men under General Quitman along with General Twiggs’ command, whom attempt to flank the castle and cut it off from reinforcement by soldiers within the city. However, their maneuver is soon intercepted by a dug-in brigade under General Joaquin Rangel, forcing the troops to take up defensive positions themselves and engage in a drawn out artillery battle.

General Shields, a subordinate commander to Quitman, breaks off his force from the ensuing battle and attacks the southern wall of Chapultec. He coordinates with Pillow, who himself launched an assault at 8 am on the fortress from El Molino under Scott’s orders. Despite fierce resistance by the defenders, U.S. troops gradually push the Mexican lines deeper within the castle, and soon Bravo ordered a retreat back into the city. However, six military cadets, the Los Niños Héroes (Child Heroes) between the ages of 13 and 19 refused to withdraw and fought to the death, the last of the six wrapping the fortress’s flag around their body and leaping off the castle to prevent it from falling into American hands. By 9:30 AM, Chapultec was in U.S. hands, and Rangel’s entrenched brigade had since fallen back to Mexico City. Two thousand casualties were suffered by Santa Anna’s army compared to Scott’s four hundred and fifty; borderline miraculous given the nature of warfare at play.

Worth and Quitman seize the initiative and chase the Mexican troops to the wall, which they then proceed to attempt to capture through brutal hand-to-hand combat on the 13th. The effort costs eight hundred American lives while around three thousand Mexican soldiers are killed, but unbeknownst to them this would yield a much better reward than merely staging points for costly maneuvers into the urban streets. Chaos reigned in Mexico’s capital city, where the tumultuous politics were becoming even more frantic as Scott’s troops pressed further inward. Santa Anna, realizing the futility of the situation withdraws his soldiers from the city, leaving little more than a token defensive force behind. On the 14th, a delegation of Mexican politicians surrender the city unconditionally, and Scott’s forces occupy the city until the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo on the 2nd of February the following year in 1848.

The U.S.-Mexican War was a conflict whose legitimacy was questioned by many, including a Ulysses Grant who served in as a lieutenant in it: “[I] regard the war…as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation.” The country of over 7 million people were never able to unite against the invaders, and as a result the U.S. acquired all of Mexico’s northern provinces, gaining 129,000 square kilometers of land and making the prospect of Manifest Destiny a reality rather than a forlorn dream. However, settlement of the new territory would set the stage for a much larger and far bloodier conflict to come.

Works Cited
Anonymous. "Mexican-American War." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 29 Sept. 2013. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/379134/Mexican-American-War>.
Baucom-Huffman, Kaye, George Stone, Rob Tranchin, Andrea Boardman, and Donald Frazier. "The U.S.-Mexican War." PBS. PBS, 14 Mar. 2006. Web. 29 Sept. 2013. <http://www.pbs.org/kera/usmexicanwar/>.
Kachur, Matthew, and Jon Sterngass. The Mexican-American War. Milwaukee, WI: World Almanac Library, 2007. Print.
Nevin, David. The Mexican War. Leather Bound ed. New York City: Time-Life, 1978. Print. The Old West.
VandeCreek, Drew, Ph.D. "Mexican-American War -- Military Campaigns." Illinois Historical Digitalization Project. Multimedia Digitalization Lab, 2004. Web. 29 Sept. 2013. <http://dig.lib.niu.edu/mexicanwar/militarycampaigns.html>.
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Ivan2006
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 1:19 pm

Sorry, what?
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LaibachKunst
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 1:21 pm

Tiel+ wrote:
-snip-
I see you've learned the art of wiping.
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Tiel+
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 1:25 pm

stop the butt boogers
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 2:00 pm

WTF ? Why would you copy all of that ?
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 2:04 pm

I liked it. 10/10
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Sep 29, 2013 3:32 pm

ACH0225 wrote:
I liked it. 10/10
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sat Oct 05, 2013 10:31 pm

Bump because I'll be working my ass off tomorrow, and it's sunday on the west coast.

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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sat Oct 05, 2013 10:32 pm

Tiel, are you wikispamming? I haven't seen that in 5 years.
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sat Oct 05, 2013 10:41 pm

essayspamming
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sat Oct 05, 2013 10:58 pm

Yinyl wrote:
ACH0225 wrote:
I liked it. 10/10
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PostSubject: Re: Death Metal Sunday   Sun Oct 06, 2013 11:24 am

fr0stbyte124 wrote:
Tiel, are you wikispamming?  I haven't seen that in 5 years.
We did that all the time on krautchan. That and wario wiping.

No growling in this one:

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